The two sides of the passion for work: An explanation from the dualistic model

To understand how an activity such as work can become a passion, it is important to clarify the psychological processes involved. In this sense, the dualistic passion model (^{Vallerand et al., 2003}) seems to have the answer. This model is based on the conceptual pillars of self-determination theory, basic needs theory, and organismic integration theory (Vallerand, 2015). Together, these contributions help explain why employees can internalize values and activities, and how they become elemental parts of their identity.

According to the postulates of the dualistic model, the explanatory mechanism underlying passion is the internalization of activity (in this case, work) in the self. Nevertheless, the way in which this process is carried out has special connotations to passion, which allows to distinguish two variants: the harmonious passion and the obsessive passion. While in the harmonious passion the internalization of the activity in the identity happens autonomously, in the obsessive passion it occurs in a controlled and compulsive way. For this reason, harmonic passion tends to be characterized as active and adaptive, while obsessive passion is usually described as passive and enslaving (^{Swimberghe, Astakhova, & Wooldridge, 2014}).

In harmonious passion, the person does not experience an uncontrollable impulse to perform the exciting activity, but rather it is freely chosen by him/her. The activity occupies a significant space in his/her identity, without becoming overwhelming and in balance with other aspects of its life. The person can fully engage in an activity with sufficient freedom to experience the world in a non-defensive way (^{Vallerand, 2015}). The harmonious passion for work leads people to invest in sustained efforts, allowing them to acquire new skills, develop their own natural strengths, and foster feelings of competence and personal effectiveness. Besides this, the participation in the pleasant activity together with the flexibility that passion implies, provides feelings of autonomy and positive emotions (^{Curran, Hill, Appleton, Vallerand, & Standage, 2015}).

Conversely, since the obsessively passionate individual values work as an important and significant aspect in their life, they feel compelled to perform the activity, even at times when they should not. The decision to participate in the activity does not respond to free will. In contrast, obsessive passion can capture a disproportionate space in the identity and cause conflicts with other vital spheres. In fact, obsessively passionate people grasp strongly to their passion, experiencing less interest in other activities (^{Vallerand & Houlfort, 2003}).

Although in both types of passion there are basic psychological needs that the pleasant activity must satisfy (^{Forest, Mageau, Sarrazin, & Morin, 2011}), in the obsessive passion the pressures that compel to indulge in it become imperious and uncontrollable. In particular, people who present this kind of passion find shelter at work, seeking to protect and increase their own self-esteem. Hence, it presents notable fluctuations in the contingencies of the exciting activity (^{Mageau, Carpentier, & Vallerand, 2011}). That is, as long as they can meet the goals and perform satisfactorily, obsessively passionate employees will experience a significant improvement in their self-esteem. Otherwise, self-esteem will be seriously harmed, motivating a greater involvement in the work. Indeed, empirical evidence indicates that obsessive passion is strongly associated with escape and avoidance motivations. Thus, in these cases the exciting activity is imposed as a potential refuge from the lack of satisfaction in other areas of life (Lalande et al., 2015).

Obsessively passionate people are likely to experience fear and insecurity. Their fragile self-esteem makes them easily vulnerable to change and uncertainty, reinforcing their rigidity and encouraging suspicious attitudes. Even with high perseverance, their levels of concentration and fluency tend to be adversely affected. Because of their diminished efficacy and poor performance, depressive feelings and turnover intentions are the order of the day among these employees (^{Houlfort, Philippe, Vallerand, & Ménard, 2014}). In contrast, harmoniously passionate people often present more experiences of positive affect. Because it stands as a free and autonomous internalization, the harmonious passion allows the person to participate in the activity in a more flexible and adaptive way. Therefore, unlike obsessive passion, this form of passion acts as a motivating force that prompts workers to engage in the activity with enthusiasm, favoring concentration and positive engagement in the task (^{Dubreuil, Forest, & Courcya, 2014}).

Passion in the conceptual framework of organizational psychology

Work passion has been singled out as a legitimate candidate to integrate the nomological network of positive organizational psychology (^{Vallerand & Verner-Filion, 2013}). However, its similarity with other constructs demands some conceptual precisions that allow to identify and emphasize its singularity.

Among constructs related with passion, engagement might be the one that could lead to greater confusion. According to specialists (^{Bakker & Schaufeli, 2014}; ^{Schaufeli, 2013}), engagement can be understood as a positive mental state of fulfilment related to work, with its main dimensions being vigor, dedication, and task absorption. Vigor is characterized by high levels of energy and perseverance in accomplishing the task. Dedication refers to feelings of enthusiasm, inspiration, pride, and involvement in the job. And absorption refers to a state of full attention and concentration on the task, as well as to the feeling that time flies while one is working.

Although engagement and passion for work share their motivational nature, they present two essential differences. First, passion supposes as an unavoidable requirement that work is a fundamental part of the individual’s identity and self-concept (^{Vallerand et al., 2003}; Vallerand, 2015); this condition is not necessarily observed among engaged workers (^{Bakker & Schaufeli, 2014}; ^{Birkeland & Buch, 2015}). Second, abundant empirical evidence (Bakker & Oerlemans, 2016; ^{Beattie & Griffin, 2014}) has highlighted that engagement is a relatively transient state rather than a stable and permanent experience. Hence it oscillates with the daily rhythm of labor experiences. This characteristic is not verified in the case of work passion. In this sense, passion has been defined as a permanent, non-fluctuating state of desire for work (Vallierand et al., 2003; Vallierand et al., 2003). It has been demonstrated that passion is free from the daily input of working details and is susceptible of modification only under specific interventions (^{Perrewé et al., 2014}; Vallernad et al., 2003; Vallerand & Houlfort, 2003; ^{Zigarmi et al., 2009}). In other words, while engagement would reflect the intensity of experiences at work, passion would allude to the quality of the relationship with it (^{Birkeland & Buch, 2015}; Ho, Wong, & Lee, 2011; Trépanier, ^{Fernet, Austin, Forest, & Vallerand, 2014}).

Work addiction is another construct that has required careful analysis to differentiate it from work passion. According to experts (^{Del Líbano, Llorens, Schaufeli, & Salanova, 2010}), addiction is characterized by two main components: (a) excessively hard work, and (b) the experience of an irresistible compulsion to work. The first component is behavioral in nature and considers the exceptional amount of time spent on work activity, while the second component has a motivational character and refers to an obsessive feeling about work, even when the individual is not working. Thus, a workaholic is a person who not only invests considerable amount of time in work-related activities with negative consequences for his/her social and family development, but also continues to focus on work even in their leisure time, and works beyond the expectations, needs, or demands of the organization.

Even though compulsion for work is the common denominator of passion and addiction, substantial differences remain between these constructs. In this regard, finding enjoyment in the activity being done has no place in addiction (^{Graves, Ruderman, Ohlott, & Weber, 2012}). On the contrary, pleasure constitutes a central aspect in work passion, even among the obsessively passionate. Indeed, it has been pointed out that while addicts do not feel real enthusiasm for what they do, passionate people experience an uncontrollable urge to work in an activity they find significant and extremely valuable (^{Donahue, Forest, Vallerand, Lemyre, Crevier-Braud, & Bergeron, 2012}). Moreover, it has been reported (Salessi & Omar, in press^b) that they are capable of having experiences of positive emotions, and that the typical negative emotions and ruminant thinking of addicts only happens among the passionate when they are not working (Carpentier, ^{Mageau & Vallerand, 2011}; ^{Curran, Hill, Appleton, Vallerand, & Standage, 2015}; Lavigne, ^{Forest, & Crevier-Braud, 2012}). Last, it has been proven (^{Birkeland & Buch, 2015}) that work passion and addiction constitute conceptual and empirically distinguishable constructs, the former being a significant predictor of the latter.

Finally, the concept of flow also warrants a comparative analysis to distinguish its similarities and differences from passion for work. The optimal flow experience has been defined as a holistic sensation that people experience when they can act with full involvement (^{Csikszentmihaly, Khosla, & Nakamura, 2016}). When applied to the work situation, it can be defined as a short-term experience characterized by absolute immersion in work, positive emotions, and pleasant experiences motivated by the task (^{Bakker, 2008}). By considering this conceptualization, it is possible to notice that, like passion, flow presupposes experiences of pleasure and motivation and interest for the activity, regardless of the results derived from participating in it. However, the concept of flow implies that work activity is not necessarily significant in the life of the person; it is rather a phenomenon emerging from the interaction with the task and, therefore, limited to the time it takes. In fact, it has been demonstrated (^{Engeser & Baumann, 2016}) that flow is a temporary experience rather than a persistent psychological state over time, as work passion is (^{Perrewé et al., 2014}; Vallernad et al., 2003; ^{Vallerand & Houlfort, 2003}; ^{Zigarmi et al., 2009}). In addition, unlike passion, flow is a phenomenon of cognitive rather than motivational nature (Vallerand, 2015). Last, empirical evidence (Carpentier et al., 2015; ^{Curran et al., 2015}; ^{Lavigne et al., 2012}) consistently shows that flow is a result and not a determinant of work passion.

Procedure

- Phase 1. The specialized databases Psychology and Behavioral Sciences Collection, PsycINFO, PsycARTICLES, Academic Search Complete, E-Book Academic Collection, Academic Source Premier and Scielo, were consulted. The descriptors entered, both in Spanish and English, were “passion”, “work”, “harmonic” and “obsessive”. The research covered the last 14 years, from January 2003 to June 2017. The sources examined were indexed and refereed academic publications, dissertations, books, and doctoral theses, excluding magazines of scientific dissemination, newspapers, and commercial publications. Based on these criteria, 218 publications were initially selected.

- Phase 2. From these 218 preliminary results, only those that met the following conditions were selected: (a) that the term passion explicitly referred to work passion, and (b) that they were empirical or theoretical articles developed in the field of psychology. In light of such criteria, publications in which the term passion was used metaphorically without reference to the phenomenon under study were excluded. Likewise, publications that addressed the study of passion from a philosophical, ethical or anthropological perspective were not considered. Based on these criteria, only 61 references of the 218 previously selected were retained.

- Phase 3. The 61 selected publications were critically analyzed according to the previously explained dimensions. The results obtained are presented below in relation to the different aspects studied.

General characteristics of publications on work passion

As for the type of publication, most sources consist of articles, accounting for 53 papers in indexed and refereed academic journals, followed by six book chapters and two doctoral theses. These results are graphically represented in Figure 1.

Figure 1 Scientific publications on work passion 

Regarding the content of scientific communications, Figure 2 indicates that the highest percentage corresponds to empirical studies in which the different roles of passion for work were examined, that is, as an independent variable, as a mediator/moderator variable, or as a dependent variable. Also, ten conceptual works, referring both to the theoretical analysis of the construct and to the systematization of the literature published in the period 2010-2015 were identified.

Figure 2 Type of publications on work passion 

Regarding the distribution of publications during the period considered, Figure 3 shows a sustained increase of works from 2008 to date, with a distinct peak in 2015 (25% of total).

Figure 3 Distribution of scientific publications about passion for work during the period 2003-2017 

Antecedents of work passion

The analysis of publications on the antecedents of passion indicates that research has focused on the examination of the influence of contextual factors as well as on the impact of individual differences. The main predictors identified in the literature are summarized below.

- Work passion and personality. Among personality factors, openness to experience, conscientiousness, agreeableness, and extraversion have demonstrated moderate but significant relationships with harmonious passion. In the case of obsessive passion, the results seem less conclusive, having found only significant negative relationships with agreeableness (^{Balon, Lecoq, & Rimé, 2013}). Among the most influential personality traits, perfectionism has proved to be a significant antecedent for both types of passion (Vallerand, ^{Houlfort & Forest, 2014}). Finally, personality orientation has also been identified as a relevant explanatory factor. Specifically, autonomous orientation has shown to be linked to harmonious passion, while controlled orientation has been revealed to promote obsessive passion (Vallerand, 2015). In the same vein, while internal locus of control has been shown to contribute directly to the development of harmonious passion, perception of lack of control (external locus) has been acknowledged as a key determinant of obsessive passion (^{Zigarmi, Galloway, & Roberts, 2016}).

- Work passion, demands and personal strengths. Several studies (^{Forest et al., 2012}; Lavigne, Forest, ^{Fernet, & Crevier-Braud, 2014}; ^{Trepanier, Fernet, Austin, Forest, & Vallerand, 2014}) have demonstrated that work demands and resources are differentially linked to passion. In this sense, the more pressure a worker experiences to perform a demanding activity, the more likely he/she is to mobilize and reinforce obsessive passion. On the contrary, perception of resources to cope with work challenges favors the autonomous internalization of work and, in this way, the development of harmonious passion.

- Work passion and perception of organizational support. Evidence (^{Vallerand, 2015}) about the relevance of situational factors shows that support from authorities (e.g., supervisors, managers, etc.) not only promotes the development of harmonious passion, but also helps maintain it over time. Indeed, organizations that value the contribution of their members and make genuine efforts to provide their employees with a healthy, flexible, and secure environment create optimum conditions conducive to harmonious passion.

- Work passion, leadership, and organizational culture. According to the dualistic model of passion (^{Vallerand et al., 2003}; ^{Vallerand & Houlfort, 2003}), an environment that favors autonomy can be a central factor for the development of harmonious passion. Conversely, a controlling environment can pave the way for an obsessive internalization of the exciting activity. In line with such assumptions, evidence concerning the impact of leadership indicates that transformational leadership, which focuses on meaningful change among followers, positively predicts harmonious passion of employees (^{Robertson & Barling, 2013}). Besides, it has been found (Vallerand, 2015) that while a clan organizational culture (centered on the relations of belonging and collaboration between members) positively predicts harmonious passion, a market culture oriented towards results contributes significantly to the development and maintenance of obsessive passion.

Consequences of work passion

The analysis of the publications focused on the consequences of work passion indicates that it is associated with a wide range of concomitant behaviors ranging from mere perseverance in the performance of tasks to the involvement of individuals in discretionary behaviors that exceed those prescribed for their role. However, evidence also shows that obsessive passion can be related to negative outcomes; especially in times when the person is not engaged in the exciting activity. The main evidences about the consequences of work passion are presented below.

- Work passion, burnout, and well-being. The impact of passion on psychological well-being admits a set of both direct and indirect effects between passion and other mediating mechanisms. It has been found (^{Carpentier et al., 2012}; ^{Thorgren et al., 2013}) that harmoniously passionate people are prone to experiencing positive states like flow during the realization of the pleasant activity; this, in turn, results in greater well-being, less anxiety, and less depressive symptomatology. In contrast, individuals with high obsessive passion tend to ruminate on the activity when engaged in another task. Also, obsessive passion has been shown to play a key role in the development of burnout, since it increases conflict between work areas and other activities, resulting in greater rates of depersonalization, emotional exhaustion, and poor personal fulfillment (^{Fernet, Lavigne, Vallerand, & Austin, 2014}; Vallerand, Paquet, ^{Philippe, & Charest, 2010}).

- Work passion, job satisfaction, and organizational commitment. The evidence available emphatically underlines that while harmonious passion is associated with increased job satisfaction, strong commitment to the organization, and fewer turnover intentions, obsessive passion exhibits an inverse pattern (Burke, ^{Astakhova, & Hang, 2015}; ^{Houlfort et al., 2014}).

- Work passion and work performance. Regarding performance, the reviewed research shows that while passion does not translate directly into efficient performance, it is an indispensable ingredient because of its influence on key mediating variables. In this regard, it has been proven that harmonious passion positively predicts concentration and vitality at work, resulting in higher levels of performance (^{Dubreuil et al., 2014}). Similarly, it has been found that identification with organization and engagement act as partial mediators, explaining a considerable proportion of the impact of harmonious passion on work performance (^{Astakhova & Porter, 2015}; ^{Qadeer, Ahmad, Hameed, & Mahmood, 2016}).

- Work passion and extra-role behaviors. Findings about the predictive role of passion in explaining behaviors that go beyond task prescriptions are far from conclusive. On the one hand, some authors (^{Birkeland, 2015}; ^{Burke et al., 2015}; ^{Thorgren et al., 2013}) have reported that while harmonious passion is related to greater involvement in organizational citizenship behaviors, obsessive passion presents a reverse pattern. Even the relationship between both variables seems to follow a curvilinear pattern, being more pronounced against very high or very low levels of obsessive passion. It has also recently been shown (^{Kong, 2016}) that passion for work may be associated with unethical behavior intended to benefit the organization, such as distorting or hiding information that could damage the public image of the company, altering accounting to position it better in the market, etc.

- Work passion and work-family interface. As for the impact of work passion on other vital domains, it has been observed that harmonious passion predicts higher enrichment both in the workfamily and familywork directions, and it is negatively linked to conflict between the two domains. Obsessive passion, meanwhile, shows a contrasting pattern, explaining greater perception of familywork and workfamily conflict, lower enrichment, and less work and family satisfaction (^{Houlfort, Philippe, Bourdeau, & Leduc, 2017}; ^{Vallerand et al., 2010}). In line with such findings, it has been demonstrated that while harmonious passion contributes significantly to the quality of social relationships, obsessive passion involves less interpersonal satisfaction (^{Philippe, Vallerand, Houlfort, Lavigne, & Donahue, 2010}). In fact, it has been reported (^{Birkeland & Nerstad, 2015}; ^{Kong, 2016}) that obsessive passion is linked to negative behaviors, such as disrespect, disinterest in the opinions of others, and behaviors of instigation to rejection.

Measuring of work passion

The literature review indicates that the Passion Scale developed by ^{Vallerand et al. (2003}) is, to date, the only measure available for the evaluation of this construct in the workplace. It is a 7-point Likert-type scale (agreement-disagreement) consisting of 14 items equally distributed in the subscales of harmonic and obsessive passion. Harmonic passion has been operationalized through indicators that highlight adaptation and balance in relation to other areas (e.g., “This job is in harmony with the other activities in my life”; α = .79). Obsessive passion, meanwhile, has been operationalized through items that emphasize dependence and lack of control in relation to the exciting activity (e.g., “The urge is so strong I can’t help doing this job”, α = .89).

To date there have been six adaptations of the instrument: two for the Spanish population (Orgambídez-Ramos, Borrego-Alés, & ^{Gonçalves, 2014}; ^{Serrano-Fernandez Boada-Grau, Gil-Ripoll, & Vigil-Colet, 2017}), one for the Italian population (^{Zito & Colombo, 2017}), one for the Dutch population (^{van der Knaap & Herman, 2015}), two for the Portuguese population (Gonçalves, Orgambídez-Ramos, Ferrão, & Parreira, ^{Martins, & Almeida, 2014}) and one for the Argentinean population (Salessi & Omar, in press^b). Taken together, these studies support the factorial validity of the scale by confirming the two-factor structure reported by ^{Vallerand et al. (2003}), with adequate levels of internal consistency. Further evidence has been provided by Marsh et al. (2013), who demonstrated the instrument’s invariance at different levels (configural, metric, and strict), in two languages (English and French), in relation to various activities (work, education, sports, and leisure activities), and between men and women. These results reveal that the scale structure is invariant across all such groups. That is to say, both the configuration of the measurement model, the factorial saturations corresponding to each item, and the intercept values of the factors, are equivalent either between men and women, French or English, as well as among the various exciting activities considered.